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# ISRAEL ATTACKS AND TENSIONS WITH TURKEY
Israeli troops in southern Syria were met with resistance when some armed individuals confronted their advances with light weapons. After a brief exchange of fire IDF soldiers withdrew from the area, hitting back with artillery shells and airstrikes leaving at least 9 dead. Several Israeli airstrikes hit locations in Damascus, Hama and Homs, where Turkey aimed to build a military air base. Israeli state sources said the attacks are a warning against Turkish expansion in Syria, referring to reported Turkish plans to take control of Tiyas airbase in Homs countryside with a view to deploy air defense batteries and drones. Turkish official channels strongly denounced the Israeli attacks, but also stated that Turkey has no intentions to escalate conflict and risk war with Israel. Thousands of Syrians from Daraa gathered at the funeral of those killed by Israeli airstrikes and elsewhere protests were held to denounce the Israeli aggression.

# AGREEMENT ON YPG AND YPJ WITHDRAWAL FROM ALEPPO
Following agreements between the provisional government and SDF, negotiations to normalize the situation in the Kurdish neighborhoods of Aleppo became the first visible step of the military reorganization of Northern Syria. A convoy of hundreds of fighters left the historic Kurdish neighborhoods of Şêx Meqsûd and Eşrefiyê, waving YPG and YPJ flags, escorted by forces of the Ministry of Defense. The convoy moved to Tabqa and other areas under control of SDF. The negotiations included exchange of prisoners, with around 100 prisoners from each side already transferred. Political agreements include certain autonomy of the local political institutions and organizations, as well as representation in the political organs of the region. Military forces connected with the Ministry of Defense will have presence in the area, but local Kurdish security forces (Asayish) will remain in the neighborhoods to ensure protection of the population, with agreements to integrate them in the security and police institutions of Aleppo in the future. Local structures will persist until a permanent solution is reached within the ongoing negotiations for all north-east Syria and freedom of movement in the city will be ensured for all residents. Observers suggest that the Aleppo Agreement could serve as a template for similar understandings in other contested regions of Syria, particularly where different military and political actors maintain overlapping spheres of control.

# ASSYRIAN NEW YEAR AND DECLARATIONS AGAINST THE NEW CONSTITUTION
The Assyrian new year - Akito - was celebrated all along northern Syria on the first of April, with Assyrians, Syriacs and Chaldeans gathering to dance and celebrate. The Assyrian community also made clear at those events that they are not sufficiently represented in the new Syrian state, with declarations and statements denouncing the lack of diversity and inclusivity in the new constitution. Major Assyrian cultural organizations believe minorities are under threat due to the salafist ideology underlying the new government.

CELEBRATIONS FOR ÖCALAN'S BIRTHDAY AND THE FOUNDATION OF YPJ
On April 4th many people celebrated the birthday of Abdullah Öcalan. In Rojava it is common to organize reforestation events, planting trees to restore forests and celebrate nature. This is also the day that YPJ was founded, marking 13 years of struggle in defense of the people of north-east Syria and against patriarchy. YPJ organized events highlighting the importance of women resistance and struggle and the value of Öcalan’s ideas in the revolution of north-east Syria. In Bakur, northern Kurdistan, people marched to Amara village, the birth place of Öcalan. On their arrival to Amara village they called for the Turkish state to act following the message of Öcalan and take steps towards democratization and engagement with the Kurdish political question.

# REHABILITATION WORKS IN TISHRIN DAM
Technical teams have begun maintenance and repair operations at Tishrin Dam, paving the way for the restoration of its services and electricity generation. The dam has been a strategic point in the clashes between SDF and SNA Turkish proxies, suffering critical damage from Turkish bombs and attacks against SDF. As the military conflict slows down and negotiations advance, the rehabilitation of such critical infrastructure is a major step that can help provide electricity to the Syrian people. Clashes between Turkish proxies and SDF are not totally halted, but such initiative may suggest that agreements can make way for restoring Syria energy capacity. This would not have been possible without the efforts and sacrifices of the many civilian convoys that kept vigil on Tishrin dam, preventing further damage to it by Turkish attacks. The vigil goes on after several months of uninterrupted presence, keeping watch on the dam and supporting the resistance of SDF against Turkish attacks.

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HPG Pays Tribute to Guerrillas Doğa Şîn and Eylül Deniz Zagros

The People’s Defense Forces (HPG) paid tribute to Free Women’s Units (YJA Star) guerrillas Doğa Şîn and Eylül Deniz Zagros, who fell as martyrs in Turkish attacks on Gare.

According to the HPG, both fighters were involved in resistance in various regions of Kurdistan for years and sustained fatal injuries during two separate attacks in January and February. The HPG described them as “courageous and dedicated militants” who had devoted their lives to the struggle for Kurdish freedom.

The People’s Defense Forces expressed their condolences to the families of the two fallen fighters and emphasized in their obituary the emotional connection the women had with the ideals of the movement. They were honored as role models for the new generation of young activists. The loss, they said, is a heavy blow, but their legacy will live on, in political work, the fight for recognition and rights, and in the cultural memory of the Kurdish movement.

“Doğa and Eylül were not just militants; they were symbolic figures of a movement that stands against oppression and for a life of freedom,” the statement read. Their courage and determination made them role models beyond death. “We will continue their path with determination,” concluded the message.

Nom de Guerre: Doğa Şîn
Full name: Binevş Altay
Place of birth: Pirsûs
Mother and father’s names: Üveyş – Selami
Date and place of death: January 11, 2025 / Gare

Nom de Guerre: Eylül Deniz Zagros
Full name: Evin Işbilir
Place of birth: Gever
Mother and father’s names: Güzel – Halit
Date and place of death: February 1, 2025 / Gare

Doğa Şîn

Originally from the northern Kurdish town of Suruç (Pirsûs), Doğa Şîn grew up in a politicized environment and joined the guerrillas in 2014, amid the war against the Islamic State (ISIS). Her decision was made under the impression of the attack on the western Kurdish city of Kobanê, located directly across the border from Suruç. “She promised herself at that time to support the people who had lost their homes and to stand against what she saw as the cause of their suffering,” said the HPG.

Prior to that, Doğa Şîn had spent years searching for a way out of what she perceived as an alienating society. Her encounter with the ideology of Abdullah Öcalan, and especially his views on women and alternatives to the capitalist system, led her to the Kurdish freedom movement. After joining the guerrillas, she fought directly in areas where resistance against ISIS was taking place. Following an injury at the front and a lengthy recovery, she returned to active combat, this time in the mountains.

Despite coming from a flatland region, she quickly felt at home in the mountains. There, she was active in various organizational and military roles. With strong determination and tactical skill, she specialized in modern guerrilla warfare. Her comrades described her as a disciplined, creative, and reliable fighter who never shied away from challenges.

In one of her writings, Doğa Şîn described the mountains as motherly and protective, a metaphor for her journey of self-discovery. In her military operations, she reportedly stood out for her precision and dedication.

Eylül Deniz Zagros

Eylül Deniz Zagros was born in Yüksekova (Gever), in the northern Kurdish province of Hakkari (Colemêrg), a region known for its deeply rooted spirit of resistance. Her family had already been active in the Kurdish liberation struggle in previous years, which had a profound influence on her. As a teenager, she was involved in political activism, and from around 2009, she participated in organizing community self-defense. In 2012, she left university and joined the guerrillas in the Zagros Mountains.

She viewed her political and ideological training as the foundation for her later military education. According to her own accounts, her motivation was closely tied to the violent deaths of her brother and a paternal cousin in 2013 in Yüksekova. Both men were shot dead by snipers from a Turkish police special unit during a protest against the desecration of a guerrilla cemetery.

Her path in the guerrilla eventually led her into the fight against ISIS, including in the Yazidi region of Shengal, where a genocide occurred in 2014 and Yazidi women were systematically kidnapped and abused. She considered the suffering of Yazidi women as symbolic of patriarchal violence, which motivated her to resist with determination.

After several injuries, Eylül Deniz Zagros returned to the Medya Defense Areas, continued her training, and contributed to the development of new guerrilla tactics. According to the obituary, she placed great emphasis on collective responsibility, humility, and gender equality within the movement. She became a role model for many young women through her determination.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18180

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# RENEWED CLASHES WITH TURKISH PROXIES
Turkish attacks against SDF continued. The intensity of Turksih attacks decreased since the beginning of March, as negotiations about a ceasefire took place and negotiations for the integration of SDF in the new Syrian army developed. Nevertheless, new attacks in the west bank of the Euphrates river from SNA Turkish proxies this last week, proved that the end of hostilities is not yet a reality. SDF also published footage of three new Turkish military bases being build in Manbij countryside, with videos of alleged Turkish military convoys that include armored vehicles and advanced military equipment such as radars, circulating at night in areas under control of Turkish proxy forces. Rumors about direct negotiations between AKP (Turkish ruling party) and SDF circulate on social networks together with speculations about steps for peace talks between Turkish state and PKK, but until now there are no official announcements in such direction.

# FORMATION OF THE 'SYRIAN EQUAL CITIZENSHIP ALLIANCE' or 'TAMASUK'
In reaction to the provisional constitution that the transitional government recently presented, an alliance of more than 30 diverse political parties and civil society organized groups was formed. The main aim of this alliance, including the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) and other Kurdish, Christian, and Druze-affiliated groups, is to demand a new Syrian constitution that respects the diversity of Syria as well as promoting a decentralized and democratic Syrian State. The alliance founding statement present itself not as direct opposition to the government but working towards a unified Syria, willing to engage with all political forces, including the government of al-Sharaa.

# NEW APPOINTED FATWA SUPREME COUNCIL AND RENEWED TRANSITIONAL GOVERNMENT
On Friday March 28 al-Sharaa appointed 15 members to the newly formed supreme Fatwa council. The council will oversee religious rulings on critical issues and will be lead by Osama al-Rifai, who have close connections with Turkish president Erdogan and the Muslim Brotherhood. Al-Rifai was appointed as Grand Mufti of Syria in 2021 and have been a prominent Islamic scholar in the opposition to al-Assad regime. Several notable HTS-affiliated scholars, including Sheikh Abdul Rahim Atun, former HTS-backed Supreme Fatwa Council member Anas Ayrut, and new Minister of Justice Mazhar al Wais, also sit on the new council.
On Saturday March 29 al-Sharaa also announced the list of the ministers of the new transitional government. HTS loyalists and other men close to al-Sharaa keep their positions in key cabinets, with some new names of technocrats that join the government in less critical ministries. The government remains therefore arab, suni and HTS dominated, including some tokenized members from ethnic minority groups. The Syrian Democratic Council (SDC, political body aligned with the DAANES) made a statement denouncing this new government as a continuation of the exclusion politics of the Syrian State, declaring that the DAANES have no obligation to implement the decisions of such government and that it will continue working for a democratic Syria.

# FIRST KURDISH WOMEN'S CONFERENCE IN NORTH-EAST SYRIA
The inaugural Kurdish Women's Conference was held in North-East Syria on March 23rd, aimed at amplifying the voices of Kurdish women within the evolving Syrian society and fostering a path toward a unified, democratic future. Approximately 300 delegates are participating, including representatives from political parties, intellectuals, authors, artists, journalists, and women from diverse organizations and movements. The conference features representatives from the women's committees of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES) as well as from Aleppo and Damascus. Among the topics was the importance of the continuation of YPJ and womens self-defense as well as rejecting the Damascus constitution. Suad Mistefa, mother of Martyr Hevrin Xelef, said that women cannot be deceived by this constitution and that the slogan “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi” will always win.

# INTERNATIONAL SEHIDS MEMORIAL
On March 24 a commemoration for international sehids took place in Qamsihlo, gathering dozens of internationals to remember the struggle of our internationalist fallen comrades. March 24 is the date that Elefteria Fortulakis, a woman from Greece, burned herself in 2006 to protest for the imprisonment of Abdullah Ocalan. It was the 5th year this commemoration took place in Rojava, with delegates from “families for peace” from Germany as well as other groups and organizations. The event also hosted the screening of the movie “Legerin – In search of Alina”, exploring the life of sehid Legerin, a doctor from Argentina who joined the guerilla in the Kurdish mountains and lost her life in a car accident in Rojava in 2018.

# EID CELEBRATIONS
At the end of March, closing the Ramadan, the celebrations of Eid become an important event in all Muslim world. In Syria Eid started on March 31st, and for 3 days families will be visiting relatives and friends, eating sweets and strengthening social bonds. Political organizations also celebrate eid visiting each other and building diplomatic relations. The new transitional government made a televised prayer all together from the presidential palace.

# (SOME THOUGHTS, NOT SO MUCH OF) ANALYSIS
The celebrations of eid are an important reminder of the value of social bonds in this society, with kurdish and arab mothers and grandmothers spreading sweets and candies among kids on the streets. Every receiving guests and going to visiting their relatives and neighbors for three days. It also comes with the arrival of the spring, as well as the recent celebrations of newroz dancing around the fire. It also come together with the celebrations of Akito, the Assyrian new year, making a very lively days and cheerful days. News of agreements and peace talks combine good with the atmosphere of this festivity, combining well with hopes of peaceful times and the end of bloodshed in Syria.

For us it’s also an important time to join the local rhythm of this society, to visit friends and neighbors and receive the guests that come to visit us, putting in practice the lessons of hospitality and cultural fluency we learned over the years living and taking part of this revolutionary society. And yes, it’s true that there is a religious component in these celebrations, as Christmas does in christian countries, but we also learned to not focus on that aspect and to value these days for the human and social aspect they bring. Social relations are the key to sustain the networks of mutual aid that are foundational in our anarchist values, and every opportunity to strengthen these bonds of friendship and solidarity should be cherished and celebrated.

Revolutionary greetings!
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The Emergence of the PKK in the 1970s – Part I

The Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) emerged in the 1970s, in a period when freedoms were being suppressed across Turkey and Kurdistan, and Kurds were subjected to policies of annihilation and denial. Sowing its seeds during the 1973 Newroz and evolving into a political party in 1978 through a process of ideological consolidation, PKK claimed the legacy of revolutionary figures such as Deniz Gezmiş and Mahir Çayan. It launched a struggle of resurgence against social-chauvinism influenced by Kemalism, the Turkish occupation and colonialism in Kurdistan, and the local collaborating forces that supported them.

PKK emerged in Kurdistan as a radical and critical movement for freedom. In his book Defending the Kurds under the Grip of Cultural Genocide, Abdullah Ocalan—known within the movement as Leader Apo—describes the conditions in which the PKK was born. Recalling the moment he first used the phrase ‘colonized Kurdistan,’ he shares how deeply it affected him, both emotionally and physically: ‘‘The tremor that the concept of colonized Kurdistan caused in my mind and heart, followed by my fainting, was the first and only such episode in my life. At the time, I found it truly strange. But later developments would show why a single concept could carry such overwhelming weight. Even now, I find it difficult to explain the impact it had on me in those early days. To stand alone in Ankara and decide to initiate a conceptual awakening at a time when the death warrant for Kurdistan and Kurdishness had been declared—and was being executed in its most extreme form—would require an analysis profound enough to be the subject of a novel.’’

Mahir, Deniz and Ibrahim

Abdullah Ocalan recalls being part of both the Kurdish and Turkish revolutionary youth movements, and says he was deeply influenced by them. Reflecting on this formative period, Ocalan writes: ‘‘I had heard the names of the People’s Liberation Party-Front of Turkey (THKP-C), the People’s Liberation Army of Turkey (THKO), and the Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist–Leninist (TKP/ML-TIKKO), and I had witnessed the brave martyrdoms of their leaders. I saw with my own eyes how Mahir Çayan, the leader of THKP-C; Deniz Gezmiş, the leader of THKO; and Ibrahim Kaypakkaya, the leader of TIKKO, gave voice to the reality of the Kurdish people and the Kurdish nation—at the cost of their lives. Alongside many other factors that came later, the martyrdom of these leaders, who emerged from within the youth and sacrificed themselves for the sake of truth, was a decisive force that gave me the courage to walk toward my own authentic reality.’’

How will you make a piece of wood grow?

Ocalan (Leader Apo) drew attention to the disbelief and resistance he faced in the early days of political organizing by sharing a striking moment with a villager—an exchange that captured the atmosphere of those difficult years. Describing that period, he writes: ‘‘To live and move forward with a political concept based on just two words in the Turkey of the 1970s and 1980s was of immense significance. Each day passed like a leaden weight, heavier than years. The goal we were striving toward was more vague than a dream. Yet I was certain that even becoming a group was already a major achievement. It wasn’t hard to guess that our group activity—carried out right under the nose of the most capable intelligence officers—was not being taken seriously, even mocked and dismissed. It was just like what that villager said when I shared my first social experience—the realization that ‘we might be Kurds’: You’re trying to speak to a dry plank of wood. How are you going to make that piece of wood grow? It was clear they saw us with the same disbelief.’’

Ocalan explains that it took five years after forming as a group for them to find the courage to name themselves: ”Our earliest labels were given to us: ‘UKO supporters,’ ‘Apo supporters.’ It felt like an honor to be named, but those names were not of our own choosing. During the group period, the only name we could give ourselves was ‘Revolutionaries of Kurdistan.’ It took us five full years after forming as a group to finally gather the courage to name ourselves. What began near the banks of the Çubuk Dam in Ankara during the Newroz of 1973—a journey filled with passion and madness—culminated on November 27, 1978, in the village of Fis in Diyarbakır’s (Amed) Lice district, with the founding of PKK. It felt like we had redeemed our honor. What greater goal could there be? After all, the modern organization of the modern class structure had been established.”

Through these reflections, Ocalan reveals the historical and emotional depth of the founding of PKK, and how it became a revolutionary response to the denial and destruction imposed on the Kurdish people. In an era when even saying ‘I am a Kurd’ was forbidden, the emergence of the PKK marked a miraculous breakthrough. What began as a lifeline for a people targeted by cultural genocide eventually grew into a revolutionary movement that came to be embraced by other oppressed peoples as well—and continues its struggle for freedom to this day.

If not for real socialism

Ocalan notes that, from today’s vantage point, he can evaluate the intellectual and historical conditions that led to the founding of PKK with greater clarity. He continues his reflections as follows: ‘‘As we moved toward the founding of PKK, we were deeply committed to remaining faithful to the scientific socialist line of Marxism. Without real socialism, an organization like the PKK might never have come into being. However, that does not mean the PKK, in its early phase, was a fully formed real socialist organization. Although it was heavily influenced by real socialism, the PKK’s entire reality cannot be explained solely through that lens. To arrive at a more accurate interpretation, it is necessary to consider the concepts of relativity and difference. I still remember clearly—because of the subject-object dichotomy embedded in real socialism, I was constantly searching for a material basis for the PKK’s formation, trying to interpret everything through a materialist framework. This search became, for me, a kind of fundamental principle—something absolutely essential.

Toward a description of the PKK

The effort to reinterpret PKK today, Ocalan suggests, is only possible thanks to a philosophical transformation—one that avoids absolutizing the subject-object dichotomy and resists turning itself into an absolute framework. Within this perspective, rethinking the PKK involves identifying the global conditions and material-cultural elements it was grounded in during the early 1970s, as well as the dominant forms of consciousness, organization, action, and moral culture that shaped it. According to Ocalan, this process is essential not only for accurately defining the PKK Movement, but also for shedding greater light on its role in the present.’’

He notes that the counter-revolution of the 1970s emerged in direct response to the anti-modernist cultural revolution that had peaked in the 1968 uprisings. He warns against reducing the global shift of the 1970s to mere economic transformation, writing: ‘‘The rise of financial capital cannot be explained by the innocent mask of economic reform. Its dominance was built upon two world wars, the wars of the twentieth century—history’s bloodiest century—and even more deeply, on five centuries of class domination and colonial warfare. It all culminates in the power of the nation-state, which represents total war against society from top to bottom.”

Ocalan goes on to describe Turkey of the 1970s as a country increasingly shaped by both the revolutionary and counter-revolutionary waves sweeping the globe. He writes: ”Turkey could not avoid becoming part of this world, despite its efforts to shield itself behind thick ideological walls. The Youth Revolution of 1968, followed by the economic and military counter-revolutions of 1980—namely, the 24 January economic decisions and the 12 September military coup—ultimately dragged Turkey into this historical tide. The global crisis of the capitalist system manifested itself in Turkey as a crisis of White Turkish fascism. In essence, the crisis of capitalist modernity was the crisis of the Turkish nation-state.’’

The most extensive operation of Gladio: September 12

Abdullah Ocalan emphasizes that the military coups of 12 March 1971 and 12 September 1980 were carried out to crush revolutionary movements that civil fascist forces had failed to suppress. He writes: ‘‘The system’s most fortified bastion could only be protected through military coups, which were constantly reinforced by counter-revolutionary civilian fascist movements. Since 1925, the ‘White Turkish’ conspiratorial system has been at war with all forms of cultural existence and democratic stirrings that posed a threat to fascist modernity—especially the Kurdish identity. As this system became increasingly exposed and discredited, it also became more unhinged. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) Gladio structure had the most powerful operational units. It had taken control of nearly all political formations. Whenever there was even a limited break from its grip, civil fascist forces would be mobilized; and when they proved insufficient, the entire military would be brought in. It played the role of a proto-Zionist system and was supported by global hegemonic powers because of that. There is no other example of a regime that exerted such total control over its own people.

This is why the crisis of ‘White Turkish’ modernity directly concerned the global system. The aim of the September 12 fascist coup was to overcome this crisis. Its core political strategies included opening the economy to global markets and integrating with the global financial system; and ideologically, shifting from secular nationalism toward a fusion of Turkish-Islamic nationalism—reinforcing the secular nation-state model with a Turkish-Islamic one. The September 12 coup was NATO Gladio’s most extensive operation. It was tasked with permanently suppressing the revolutionary and democratic actions of all peoples in the Middle East. To this day, it continues to pursue that mission, alongside the system’s civilian fascist networks and semi-military structures.’’

Reviving truths once thought dead

In the 1970s, real socialism entered a deep crisis and began shifting into a position that, rather than challenging the system, reinforced capitalist modernity. Unable to renew or reorganize itself, it faced ideological stagnation and eventual collapse. One of the states most shaken by this crisis was Turkey. The breakdown of White Turkish fascism began to surface ideologically, exposing it to the critique and resistance of emerging revolutionary forces. As Ocalan observed, the revolutionary movements of that period were deeply ideological. For the first time in Turkish history, suppressed social realities were being voiced through these movements. Truths once assumed to be dead were being revived. Islamist ideologies were losing ground to socialist-revolutionary currents, and the Kurdish reality was once again rising to the surface. Outside the PKK, most ideological and revolutionary movements of the era remained confined to the narrow actions of isolated groups. In this climate, it was only the PKK that succeeded in standing up against Turkish colonialism and launching a genuine revolutionary breakthrough.

Ocalan has stated that the foundational idea behind the PKK’s emergence was based on the model of state-building proposed by Joseph Stalin and later endorsed by Vladimir Lenin, particularly in the context of resolving the Kurdish question. However, one of the major ideological ambiguities the PKK faced during its formation stemmed from the nation-state model itself. Stalin’s principle—endorsed by Lenin—of granting nations the right to self-determination through the creation of a state had caused deep ideological confusion across global socialist and leftist movements. The PKK, too, was drawn into this confusion. It was only later that Ocalan would break from this paradigm. With his book Defending a People, he introduced a new framework—’Democratic, Ecological, and Women’s Liberationist Society’—marking the beginning of a new and more powerful phase of struggle.

source: ANF English

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=18031

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# NEWROZ PIROZ BE!

This week all Kurdistan went to the streets for Newroz, the new year celebrations for many peoples in West and Central Asia, Caucasus and Balkans. It has a very significant meaning of resistance for Kurdish people. Throughout northern Syria big celebrations were organized by the DAANES, with music, political speeches and other cultural events. Many political and social organizations made statements to celebrate Newroz and to celebrate the achievements of the Kurdish liberation movement, as well as the revolutionary steps taken this year, and the recent statement of Abdullah Öcalan invigorated the celebrations.

# NEXT STEPS ON THE AGREEMENTS SIGNED BY ABDI-SHARA'A

Following the agreements of cooperation signed by Mazlum Abdi and Ahmed al-Shara'a, the provisional goverment formed a committee to coordinate its implementation. Alongside discussions about the integration of SDF into the Ministry of defense and other topics related to security and military affairs, steps are also been taken in civilian affairs. UNICEF mediated a discussion between the DAANES and the Ministry of Education to develop a fair and accessible process for students across the region, mainly concerning Syrian universities and mechanisms for conducting secondary and preparatory certificate exams. Discussions about oil and gas fields and electricity plants are also taking place, with the Syrian Minister of Electricity Omar Shaqrouq giving at a press conference about energy infrastructure repairs in northeast Syria. Rumors and alleged conditions of SDF and the transitional government about the integration of SDF in the new Syrian army are spreading on some social networks, but as terms are being discussed no official announcements have been made this week.

# AGREEMENTS BETWEEN PYD AND ENKS

Representants of PYD (Partiya Yekitiya Democratic - Democratic Union Party, leading political party of DAANES) and ENKS (Kurdish national union party, a party in Rojava that is closely connected to KRG and Turkey) held a meeting in Qamishlo with mediation of Mazlum Abdi and American officials. After the meeting both sides communicated they reached agreements to end the disputes between both organizations and to build a common delegation to negotiate with the Damascus provisional government. Both parties also expressed their common disagreement with the provisional consitution that was recently proposed by the provisional government, calling for a decentralized and federal Syria. They also stated that they will meet again after the celebrations of Newroz to continue negotiations.

#COASTAL INSURGENCE

Incidents continue in the coastal areas of the Latakia province that saw the recent wave of insurgency. Revenge killings and kidnappings have continued over the past week, even as coordinated insurgent attacks and extrajudicial sectarian killings by interim government forces have decreased. Alawite media have widely reported on instances of violence committed against the Alawite community by Sunnis and government forces. Several thousands, mostly Alawites, left their homes seeking shelter from the attacks in Lebanon. Near 10.000 found temporary shelter in the Russian base at Hmeimim, but after the tensions lowered, Russian military personal urged them to leave the military base.

# CLASHES IN LEBANESE BORDER

After a confusing incident on the border between Syria and Lebanon where some Syrians were killed, clashes took place. Forces of HTS connected to the Syrian Ministry of Defense (MoD) launched a raid into Lebanese territory, taking control of one small border town. The Lebanese army engaged in clashes, allegedly against smugglers or tribal armed groups. HTS-linked media blame Hezbollah for the incidents, but Hezbollah denied involvment. Over the week, clashes continued on and off, with discussions ongoing between Lebanese goverment and Syrian provisional government to secure the border and stop the clashes. Allegedly, Hezbollah used the tensions and confusion to launch raids on Syrian territory.

# DEIR EZZOR INSURGENCY

Soldiers of the MoD launched several raids in the Deir Ezzor region, in areas under control of the provisional government. The raids followed a wave of insurgency and attacks against military points of the MoD, allegedly by smuggling networks and militias aligned with Hezbollah or with Iran. It seems there is no direct relation between the insurgency in Deir Ezzor and the insurgency in coastal areas, but in both cases Assad loyalist elements seem to be involved in one way or another.

# HALT ON TURKISH ATTACKS?

On Sunday 16th of March a Turkish drone attacked a family home in the Kobane countryside killing both parents and 7 children, with only two children surviving with serious injuries. Many protests denouncing the attack took place all across north-east Syria. Two days after the massacre, the attacks of SNA and the Turkish army slowed down to a point that in the last days, no new attacks are reported. This pause could be a temporary phenomenon, but it comes against the backdrop of the SDF-Syrian provisional government talks. Turkey and the SNA appeared to halt attacks on March 19, which was the same day that the Syrian interim government met with the SDF at al Shaddadi base in Hasakah Province to continue negotiations over the SDF’s integration into the Syrian army.

# ISRAEL ATTACKS

Israel continued its attacks on Syrian military positions, further advancing their occupation in southern Syria. Some airstrikes are claimed to be targeting military installations in southern Syria, which were allegedly being repurposed by military personal, and becoming a potential threat to Israel. Military occupation forces entered several new villages of the Quneitra region. Besides the expansion of the military occupation, they launched airstrikes next to the Lebanese border, allegedly targeting Hezbollah militias. The Israeli air force also bombed the Palmyra military airport in central Syria in several raids.

# ANALYSIS: Read in comments

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